Dieter Quast (ed.) Foreigners in Early Medieval Europe: Thirteen International Studies on Early Medieval Mobility MONOGRAPHIEN des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Band 78 Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Forschungsinstitut für Vor- und Frühgeschichte Dieter Quast (ed.) FOREIGNERS IN EARLY MEDIEVAL EUROPE THIRTEEN INTERNATIONAL STUDIES ON EARLY MEDIEVAL MOBILITY With contributions by Horst Wolfgang Böhme · Luis A. García Moreno · Karen Høilund Nielsen Antonel Jepure · Christina Katsougiannopoulou · Michel Kazanski / Patrick Périn Egge Knol · Anna Lambropoulou · John Ljungkvist · Dieter Quast · Matej Ruttkay László Schilling · Tivadar Vida Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 2009 Redaktion: Martin Schönfelder, Dieter Quast, Xandra Bardet (Groningen) Satz: Manfred Albert, RGZM; Michael Braun, Datenshop Wiesbaden Umschlaggestaltung: Grafik RGZM, unter Verwendung einer Zeichnung aus W. Froehnes, Les Médaillons de l’Empire Romain (Paris 1878) 259 Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. ISBN 978-3-88467-131-3 ISSN 0171-1474 © 2009 Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Das Werk ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Die dadurch begründeten Rechte, insbesondere die der Übersetzung, des Nachdrucks, der Entnahme von Abbildungen, der Funk- und Fernsehsendung, der Wiedergabe auf photomechanischem (Photokopie, Mikrokopie) oder ähnlichem Wege und der Speicherung in Datenverarbeitungsanlagen, Ton- und Bildträgern bleiben, auch bei nur auszugsweiser Verwertung, vorbehalten. Die Vergütungsansprüche des § 54, Abs. 2, UrhG. werden durch die Verwertungsgesellschaft Wort wahrgenommen. Herstellung: betz-druck GmbH, Darmstadt Printed in Germany. INHALTSVERZEICHNIS Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VII Dieter Quast Communication, Migration, Mobility and Trade. Explanatory Models for Exchange Processes from the Roman Iron Age to the Viking Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 John Ljungkvist Continental Imports to Scandinavia. Patterns and Changes between AD 400 and 800 . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Karen Høilund Nielsen The Real Thing or Just Wannabes? Scandinavian-Style Brooches in the fifth and sixth Centuries . . . . . 51 Egge Knol Anglo-Saxon Migration Reflected in Cemeteries in the Northern Netherlands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Horst Wolfgang Böhme Migrants’ Fortunes: the Integration of Germanic Peoples in Late Antique Gaul . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 Michel Kazanski, Patrick Périn »Foreign« Objects in the Merovingian Cemeteries of Northern Gaul . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 Luis A. García Moreno Gothic Immigrants in Spain. Researching the History of a Nobility . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 Antonel Jepure Researching Gothic Immigrants in Spain. An Archaeological Dilemma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 Anna Lambropoulou The Presence of Slavs in the Western Peloponnese during the 7th and 8th Centuries: New Archaeological Evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 Christina Katsougiannopoulou The Slavic Bow Brooches in Greece Revisited. Some Remarks on Ethnicity and Social Status . . . . . . . . 219 Tivadar Vida Local or Foreign Romans? The Problem of the Late Antique Population of the 6th-7th Centuries AD in Pannonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233 V László Schilling An Avar-Period Germanic Brooch from Tác-Fövenypuszta . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261 Matej Ruttkay The North of the Carpathian Basin in the 5th and 6th Centuries AD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273 List of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295 VI PREFACE »We need to interpret the past, not simply present it« John H. Arnold History. A very short introduction (Oxford 2000) »Moi, tu me connais, je n’ai rien contre les étrangers, mais ces étrangers-là ne sont pas de chez nous.« Agecanonix in: Astérix, Le cadeau de César The transition from Antiquity to the Middle Ages was an era of vital importance to the formation of medieval and modern Europe. The migrations of steppe-nomad and Germanic peoples caused changes over wide parts of Europe. The Western Roman Empire fell apart into »Romano-barbarian kingdoms«. Personal motives, economic incentives and wars gave rise to unprecedented mobility of individuals as well as whole tribes, or, more precisely, large warrior groups with their families. Throughout Europe, people of different origins where brought together and had to find new ways of coexistence. Although in all cases the foreigners were a minority – whether in Gaul, on the Iberian Peninsula, in Pannonia or in Italy – it was they who ruled the new kingdoms. Migration was always followed by the integration and acculturation of the immigrants or of the indigenous population. The fusion of different cultures into new communities clearly is not just a phenomenon of the 20th and 21st centuries, but has been going on since prehistory. During the years 2002-2005, the European Commission’s Directorate General X, under the »Culture 2000« programme, supported a Europe-wide project named »Foreigners in Early Medieval Europe«, aimed at realising a database of the relevant archaeological material for the World Wide Web. As a spin-off of the project, a scientific network was created, and almost all of the ten teams decided to continue their research on the topic and to participate in a joint publication. This had three reasons: first, the progress made during the collection of the material for the database and the discussions during the workshops put all colleagues in touch with fresh ideas and new results, and second, the structure of the database did not allow the elaboration of many interesting details. But most important is the third point, which concerns the nature and interpretation of the archaeological evidence. In the various parts of Europe the archaeological sources differ considerably, and so it soon became clear that there could be no standard method for defining foreigners and their position in society. In each case it was necessary to decide anew how to interpret alien grave forms and burial customs, foreign burial rites and imported goods. Do the finds really represent foreign immigrants, or do they result from other forms of mobility? In some cases it is impossible to identify foreign individuals, even when it is certain that the archaeological evidence reflects population change. The articles in this volume highlight different aspects of mobility and exchange, but all of these depend on contacts between people and groups of people. Studies of straightforward imports, art styles and history of colonisation or simply new interpretations of »common knowledge« offer new insights. »Knowledge, objects and ideas do not move by themselves. They are always carried by people. Any study of diffusion and interaction is therefore confronted with the question: who travelled, for what reason, and how many were they?*« It was quite clear from the beginning that archaeologists from different European countries, ranging from Spain to Slovakia and Greece to Sweden, have quite diverse perspectives and different scientific traditions * K. Kristiansen, Theorising Diffusion and Population Movements. In: C. Renfrew / P. Bahn (eds.), Archaeology. The key concepts (London 2005) 75-79 esp. 77. VII in approaching a theme like »Foreigners in Early Medieval Europe«. This in itself offered an interesting basis for debate. It is also why the articles in the publication are arranged according to the authors’ places of origin. I want to thank all authors for their participation in this publication, which all of them did additionally to their daytime jobs. In the same context I wish to thank the following persons for translations into English: Dr. Annette Frey, Mainz (translation of Kazanski / Périn), Dr. Valeria Kulcsár, Budapest (Schilling and Vida), Jonathan Roth, Mainz (Böhme), Folkert Tiarks, Mainz (Quast). Much more than a simple »thanks« goes to Xandra Bardet, Groningen, for editing the various strains of »European English« and for her unsparing constructive criticism. For scans and illustrations I want to thank Michael Ober, Vera Kassühlke, Monika Weber (all RGZM, Mainz). The publisher’s work was done by Manfred Albert and Michael Braun. They too deserve many thanks. And, last but not least, special thanks to Martin Schönfelder for his support. Dieter Quast Mainz, November 2008 VIII MICHEL KAZANSKI · PATRICK PÉRIN »FOREIGN« OBJECTS IN THE MEROVINGIAN CEMETERIES OF NORTHERN GAUL In this study, it is our aim to interpret from an ethnic perspective a number of female graves discovered mainly in northern Gaul, in cemeteries dating from the beginning of the Merovingian period (second third of the 5th to the second third of the 6th century) and whose grave goods include costume elements foreign to classic Merovingian fashion. But first it is important to define the limits of the possible contribution of archaeological science to studies about ethnogenesis and the ethnic identity of ancient peoples. Archaeology above all studies the material legacy of ancient civilisations, »civilisations of death«, to quote the expression used by H.-J. Eggers (Eggers 1950). So this research belongs in the domain of »cultural genesis«, where questions about the ethnic attribution of archaeological finds should be posed with utmost acuity. It is a well-known fact that each human group, insofar as it considers itself a people or tribe, has possessed cultural particularities that are to some degree visible, a fact demonstrated long since by ethnologists studying living traditional societies. So by the same argument it is quite legitimate to tackle questions about the ethnic identity of ancient populations through their material traces brought to light by archaeology. But the main problem is to know where the limits and possibilities of archaeology lie in this respect. At present it can be stated that archaeology by itself cannot resolve the question of the ethnic attribution of ancient peoples. In fact, without the written sources we would be ignorant of the name borne by a human group, however well it might be known by its archaeological remains and of whether the group really perceived itself as different from its neighbours. Moreover, a striking cultural difference is not necessarily a sign of ethnic difference, because it may also reflect economic activities and different walks of life. This means that we do not have absolute certitude that the civilisations and cultural groups that appear on the archaeological maps and which probably represent some kind of historical reality, actually correspond to ancient differences in ethnicity. In other words, the correlation of archaeological finds with the anthropological evidence or toponymy is not always convincing. So we have to be very careful in attempting to provide with a historical identity peoples which are not known from written sources, merely on the basis of their material culture. Concerning the archaeology of historical periods, it is usual to compare archaeological maps illustrating material cultures with the ancient texts that more or less precisely locate a particular »people« within a defined area. In some cases the comparison is convincing and allows us to attribute the name of an antique people to a material culture. Nevertheless there can be misunderstandings and the name of a population group, considered an ethnic designation, may instead relate to a social group. For instance, the term Salii was long regarded as the name of a part of the Western Franks from which the Merovingian dynasty descended, whereas in fact it is a generic legal term which appears to refer to the Francs collectively (Springer 1996. – Dierkens / Périn 2003, 166-167). In the case of the designation »Herules« from the 3rd and 4th centuries, research has shown that it does not correspond to a people stricto sensu, but to groups of professional warriors of noble birth (Ellågard 1987). It also seems that the first wave of Alans, mentioned in the 1st century in the Russian steppe, does not refer to a people but to an aristocratic military clan which combined the warrior elites of different tribes (Ščukin 1994, 209). However, these cases, much debated anyway, are exceptions rather than the rule. Foreigners in Early Medieval Europe 149 Fig. 1 The distribution of Gepidian buckle-plates with eagle’s head design (after Nagy 2002, 243 fig. 17). – ● Type of the Tisza region; ■ type of Transylvania; ▲ type of the Middle Danube region. Actually, in most cases the geographical coincidence of archaeological cultures with named historical »peoples« (that is to say groups recognizing themselves under a single name) does allow us to link the two of them, as in the cases of the Gepids in eastern Hungary and Transylvania, the Lombards in Moravia, Austria and western Hungary, or the Thuringians of central Germany. All these cultural groups present a number of common archaeological traits. When the material cultures of the peoples of the Germanic barbaricum in Central Europe present common archaeological traits, these tend to take the form of types of specific objects, usually part of female attire, which can be distinguished in certain ways. The territory of the Gepids in the 6th century is well defined by the distribution of eagle-head-ended buckle plates (fig. 1) (Bona 1976, fig. 1; Nagy 2002, 243 fig. 17). Thanks to the characteristics of the female costume, we can, in the cemetery of Singidunum (today’s Belgrade), identify graves of an Italo-Ostrogothic character (fig. 2), whose distribution corresponds with the political territory of the Ostrogoths (Ivanišević / Kazanski 2002, 112f., 116f.). Ethnologists have emphasised time and again that in traditional societies the female costumed plays a protective role, by virtue of which it is sacralised and reglemented (Karpov 2001, 15-16). This explains the phenomenon, first understood by ethnologists and nowadays also by archaeologists, of the existence of an »ethnic« costume in these societies, an insight we can now apply to the very early Middle Ages. As Joachim Werner proposed long ago (Werner 1970), we may postulate, in this case for Merovingian Gaul, the object of our study, that the presence in a female grave of »foreign« jewellery and dress accessories, worn in 150 M. Kazanski · P. Périn · »Foreign« Objects in the Merovingian Cemeteries of Northern Gaul Fig. 2 Italo-Ostrogothic jewellery from grave 1 at Singidunum (today’s Belgrade). – (After Ivanišević / Kazanski 2002, pl. 1). accordance with the corresponding traditional costume, is a reliable indicator of the wearer’s foreign ethnocultural origin. In the northern part of Gaul, the Merovingian material culture, as presented by the graves, seems to be very homogeneous, in spite of the relative heterogeneity of the population in this territory. Historical sources speak of the coexistence of a Gallo-Roman majority with a population of Frankish origin whose size is hard to estimate, side by side with Anglo-Saxons, Alamans and Burgundians. As is the case for the rural settlements, so too the cemeteries, which were presumably shared by these groups, at first sight fail to reflect the relative diversity of the population. This undermines the overblown ethnic interpretations, especially those regarding the Frankish population (Périn 1981). On the one hand, it is evident that, to use a popular phrase, the »progressive integration« between the local population and the newcomers, most of them Germanic people, was realized very rapidly during the time of two or three generations in the northern part of Gaul. However, a close scrutiny of the cemeteries nevertheless permits a degree of archaeological identification of the Frankish minority, at any rate as far as the first two or three post-conquest generations are concerned. Indeed, the practice of burial in full dress and with grave goods (weapons, vessels), which during the 5th century had become increasingly rare among the Gallo-Roman population –although rare throughout the generations –, distinguishes the graves of men buried with arms and women wearing bow-brooches, the typical fashion of the Western Germans and here attributable with certainty to a population of Frankish origin. However, from the mid 6th century on, such archaeological markers are more ambiguous and definitely no longer hold such an implication of identity. Among the Western Germans, the traditional finery of the women in the second half of the 5th century and during a large part of the 6th century, notably included the use of two pairs of brooches, one at the neck or on the chest (zoomorphic or disc-brooches) the other in the pelvic region (the earliest types are asymmetric bow-brooches). While the function of the former is obvious (fastening the top of a garment or fixing Foreigners in Early Medieval Europe 151 Fig. 3 Brooches of sheet silver from grave 167 at Breny (Aisne). – Photo courtesy of Musée d’Archéologie Nationale, Saint-Germain-en-Laye. – Scale = 1:2. a veil), that of the latter remains very problematic because it concerns brooches that among the Eastern Germans were traditionally worn on the shoulders, but which here have lost their original function (fastening a costume of the peplos type). Therefore it has been concluded that these asymmetric bow-brooches, which were worn at the waist or on the pelvis, and even in the region of the thighs, must have served a different function, such as closing a cloak or a textile girdle, or adorning textile or leather ornamental bands suspended from the girdle, which might also be decorated with beads (Clauss 1987). Concerning the northern part of Gaul and its northern and eastern border zones, it is interesting to note that at the end of the 5th century and during the first half of the 6th century, the fashion of wearing two pairs of brooches concerned only a limited number of women and graves in these cemeteries (Koch 1998, map 31). Hence we may suppose that these individuals were of Western Germanic origin, as is indeed suggested by the clearly delimited distribution of the earliest brooches between the Somme and the Rhine and in the Alamannic area (Vallet 1997, fig. 20-24), the scene of the first Frankish conquests under Clovis. On the basis of further archaeological remains (no brooches other than small ones at the neckline, grave goods limited to a belt-buckle or the deposition of a comb or a spindle whorl) other authors have at tempted with varying degrees of success to identify the contemporary female population of provincial Roman origin (Martin 1988; Bierbrauer 1992). Finally, at the beginning of the Merovingian era we quite often find, in the same cemeteries but in very small numbers, female graves with objects typical of the Eastern Germans (Kazanski / Périn 1997) and particularly of the Visigoths (Bierbrauer 1997), but also of the Alamans (Vallet 1993), the Thuringians (Böhme 1988), the Anglo-Saxons (Seillier 1996; Pilet 1996) and even of the Danubian Lombards (Kazanski 2002, 22). Thus a certain number of female graves illustrate the Eastern Germanic costume in the second half of the 5th century and the 6th century; whether this applies just to the objects themselves or also to their use, to 152 M. Kazanski · P. Périn · »Foreign« Objects in the Merovingian Cemeteries of Northern Gaul Fig. 4 Grave goods from grave 756 at Vicq (Yvelines). – (After Bierbrauer 1997, pl. 1). a pair of bow-brooches in silver- or in bronze-sheet, fixed at the shoulders (fig. 3), or to a belt-buckle (in most cases with a rectangular buckle plate). Well attested in the world of Antiquity is the use of two brooches for fixing a peplos at the shoulders or on the upper part of the breast, which also characterised the female costume of the Eastern Germans at least since the Roman period (Tempelmann-Mączyńska 1989). Around the close of Late Antiquity and the beginning of the Merovingian era, Gaul has plenty of examples of graves with the dead woman buried in a costume of Eastern Germanic tradition. The first assessment of these grave goods was undertaken by V. Bierbrauer, who identified them as Hispano-Visigothic (Bierbrauer 1997, 168f.). This view to us seems overly restrictive, in that in northern Gaul the presence of Eastern Germanic groups coming from the east, especially from the Middle Danube, is well attested: we prefer therefore to classify these graves as belonging to the Eastern Germanic tradition in its broadest sense, which also includes the Visigoths and other peoples of Eastern Germanic origin (Kazanski / Périn 1997; cf. Sasse 1997). Furthermore, it has since long been noted (lastly Bierbrauer 1997) that in northern Gaul there were two ways of wearing the »eastern« brooches. In the first case, the costume included one pair of bow-brooches (occasionally just a single brooch) on the shoulder or on the chest 1 and a belt-buckle on the pelvis: for instance in the burials Vicq 756 (fig. 4) (Servat 1979), Frénouville 529 (Pilet 1980, vol. 2, 262f.), Arcy-Ste1 It is sometimes very difficult to distinguish these from the Merovingian and Alamannic costume like Pleidelsheim 1967 or Basel- Kleinhüningen 126 (see Clauss 1987, figs. 23 and 27), in which the brooches are worn low on the chest. Foreigners in Early Medieval Europe 153 Fig. 5 1-4 Grave goods from grave 1094 at Arcy-Sainte-Restitue (Aisne). – 5-10 Grave goods from grave 359 at Saint-Martin-de-Fontenay (Calvados). – (1-4 after Vallet 1993, 118 fig. 9; 5-10 after Pilet 1994, pl. 52-55). 154 M. Kazanski · P. Périn · »Foreign« Objects in the Merovingian Cemeteries of Northern Gaul Fig. 6 Grave goods from grave 741 at Saint-Martin-de-Fontenay (Calvados). – (After Pilet 1994, pl. 93). Restitue 1094 (fig. 5, 1-4) (Vallet 1993, 116f.), Saint-Martin-de-Fontenay 359 (fig. 5, 5-10), 502 (with a brooch similar to the Italian types of Gurina or Altenerding: Schulze-Dörrlamm 1986, 661-668), 741 (with two Merovingian brooches) (fig. 6) (Pilet 1994, 385, 411, 456), Villeneuve-au-Chatelot, grave 1 (with two Merovingian brooches and a buckle-plate of a rather masculine type) (Joffroy 1976, fig. 1). In the case of the grave of Vicq it is revealing that the body, besides a pair of bow-brooches placed on her shoulders (fig. 4, 1-2) and a belt-buckle with cloisonné (fig. 4, 5) of a classic Visigothic type, wore on her chest a pair of small, silver-gilt, zoomorphic brooches of a local type (fig. 4, 3-4), undeniable proof of her acculturation. Occasionally the brooches of Eastern Germanic type are not accompanied by a belt-buckle, as for example in the graves Arcy-Sainte-Restitue 127 (Vallet 1993, 111, 112), Breny 167 (fig. 7, 7-11) (Kazanski 2002, 94), Nouvion-en-Ponthieu 303 (Piton 1985, 135), Chassemy 1888 (Clauss 1987, 602, XI.4), perhaps Lavoye 182 (a brooch deriving from the Bretzenheim type, worn low on the chest) (Joffroy 1974, 120). Elsewhere in Gaul, this kind of costume is also attested south of the Loire – the earliest cases are notably those of Saint-Pierre-des-Cuisines at Toulouse (Cazes 1988, 66), and of Lezoux: Vertet / Duterne 1999), and, less frequently, in the Burgundians’ territory (Beaune, grave 312: Gaillard de Samainville et al. 1995, 163). In other cases, brooches of Eastern Germanic tradition, even when accompanied by belt-buckles of the same tradition, may be worn à la mérovingienne, as if this was the fashion current at the time between the rivers Seine and Rhine. The brooches are then worn either on the pelvis, or further down. Good examples are Cutry, grave 859 (fig. 8) (brooch and Visigothic buckle-plate) (Legoux 2005, pl. 93); Grigny, grave 919 (fig. 9, A) (Berthelier 1994, 80); Saint-Martin-de-Fontenay, graves 270 (fig. 10) (Ostrogothic brooches of the Udine-Planis type), 282 (bow-brooches of Eastern Germanic tradition) and 300 (fig. 9, B) (brooches of the Bretzenheim type) (Pilet 1994, 365, 367f., 372); Rödingen, grave 472 (Janssen 1993, 304f.); Cologne- Foreigners in Early Medieval Europe 155 Fig. 7 Examples of grave goods from the cemetery at Breny (Aisne), which include Alamannic objects (1), Eastern Germanic objects (8) and Danubian Lombardic objects (3, 4). – (After Kazanski 2002, pl. 2-3. 7). – Different scales. 156 M. Kazanski · P. Périn · »Foreign« Objects in the Merovingian Cemeteries of Northern Gaul Fig. 8 Grave goods from grave 859 at Cutry (Meurthe-etMoselle). – (After Legoux 2005, pl. 93). Müngersdorf, grave 118 (Clauss 1987, 602, XI.3); and Nouvion-en-Ponthieu, grave 140 (fig. 11) (Piton 1985, 75). These examples are definitely significant evidence of a process of acculturation which already was well advanced among these women in Merovingian society, who had abandoned the traditional way of wearing these Eastern Germanic brooches. Let us once more consider the example, admittedly an isolated case so far, of grave 118 at Louviers (Eure), which contains a woman’s finery, composed in an oddly heterogeneous way. This grave, too, presents evidence of uncompleted acculturation: the dead woman followed the local fashion of wearing two pairs of brooches, one set at the throat or in the breast region, the other at the pelvis, but the first pair were of an Anglo-Saxon type; the second pair, disc brooches, were of a Mediterranean or even Visigothic type, as was the belt-buckle with a cloisonné plate 2. Many graves which contained only a belt-buckle with a rectangular plate, but no brooches of Eastern Germanic type, have been labelled by V. Bierbrauer as Visigothic (Bierbrauer 1997, 169). This attribution is indeed very probable for graves containing characteristic types known from Spain or southern Gaul, but should definitely not be generalized. In fact, graves containing isolated buckle-plates of such types are well known at the other end of the Eastern Germanic world, for example in the cemeteries of the Suuk-SuSkalistoe type in the southwest of the Crimea. Hence we may postulate a common Danubian prototype for 2 Carré / Jimenez 2008, Pl. 24. Foreigners in Early Medieval Europe 157 Fig. 9 Examples of burials containing costume elements of the Danubian/Eastern Germanic tradition: A Grigny (Essonne) grave 19. – B Saint-Martin-de-Fontenay (Calvados), grave 300. – (A after Berthelier 1994, 80; B after Pilet 1994, pl. 42). this element of the costume; moreover, it is well attested in that region, in particular at Zmajevo (Kiss 1983, 121). For Gaul in the early Merovingian period, it is also interesting to note that jewellery and dress accessories of Eastern Germanic types other than »Danubian« or »Visigothic« ones are rare. As an illustration, already mentioned, we refer to Saint-Martin-de-Fontenay (Calvados) grave 270, with Italo-Ostrogothic brooches of the Udine-Planis type (fig. 10); or to the female grave with a Gepidian belt-buckle with a bird-shaped design, uncovered at Valentine (Haute-Garonne) (fig. 12) (Fouet 1986, fig. 5). 158 M. Kazanski · P. Périn · »Foreign« Objects in the Merovingian Cemeteries of Northern Gaul Fig. 10 Grave goods from grave 270 at Saint-Martinde-Fontenay (Calvados). – (After Pilet 1994, pl. 34-36). Foreigners in Early Medieval Europe 159 Fig. 11 160 Grave goods from grave 140 at Nouvion-en-Ponthieu (Somme). – (After Piton 1985, pl. 31). M. Kazanski · P. Périn · »Foreign« Objects in the Merovingian Cemeteries of Northern Gaul Fig. 12 Buckle-plate of a Gepidian belt from the grave at Valentine (Haute-Garonne). – (After Gallia 17, 1959, 432 fig. 29). Female graves with Thuringian grave-goods of the second half of the 5th and the early 6th century in northern Gaul have been studied by H. W. Böhme (1988). Generally they are located between the rivers Rhine and Seine (Böhme 1988, fig. 2) and contain typical bow-brooches and, more rarely, weaving battens (fig. 14A, 1), which on the whole are rare in Gaul, but are typical of Alamannic and Thuringian funerary customs. It is also appropriate to mention some female graves with early grave goods of Alamannic type (fig. 7, 1-2; 14, B), mainly attested in Picardy (Vallet 1993; Kazanski 2002), as are the rare female graves with Danubian Lombard grave goods (fig. 7, 3-6; 15) (Kazanski 2002). There are also other foreign population groups in northern Gaul, attested by styles of female jewellery; for instance, the Anglo-Saxons on the coasts of the North Sea and the Channel. Graves containing AngloSaxon objects or objects of Anglo-Saxon types have been brought to light in several classical Merovingian cemeteries, such as very characteristic types of saucer brooches and bow-brooches, as well as, less frequently, hand-made pottery, and further ornaments (fig. 13). These finds have been recovered mainly in the plain of Caen (Giberville, Sannerville, Hérouvillette, Frénouville, Ifs, Saint-Martin-de-Fontenay etc.: Pilet 1996) and in the coastal regions north of the Somme (especially Vron and Nouvion-en-Ponthieu: Seillier 1996). A set of female jewellery of Anglo-Saxon type has also been found much further south, in the Charente, at Herpes (Haith 1988; Kidd / Ager 1996). These archaeological examples, however dispersed, apart from perhaps the population of Frankish origin, show that at the beginning of the Merovingian era the barbarian population of Germanic stock in Gaul was far from homogeneous, if a number of female graves are anything to go by. There one will certainly find a material illustration of the well-documented fact that the bands of warriors and the non-Romanised leading elites in the following of powerful warlords or kings were of very diverse origin, as is also witnessed by Attila’s entourage or the composition of Odoacer’s army. The female graves containing foreign objects of various origins are sometimes found in the same cemeteries, next to richly equipped male graves with weapons and female graves exemplifying the fashion of the Western Germans at the beginning of the Merovingian period. This is what we see in Picardy, among the archaeological material of the Late Roman and Merovingian cemetery of Breny (Aisne), providing evidence of a heterogeneous group of individuals buried with »foreign« objects (Kazanski 2002). Even if the graves of men are not identifiable by significant cultural traits, those of the women are all the more so. Among contemporaneous graves displaying the »classic« early-Merovingian features (costume both of Western Foreigners in Early Medieval Europe 161 Fig. 13 21). Examples of grave goods from the cemetery of Giberville (Calvados), including Anglo-Saxon items. – (After Pilet 1990, pl. 7. Germanic, or indeed Frankish tradition, and of Gallo-Roman tradition), several graves are distinguished by foreign traits of Alamannic (grave 277), Danube-Lombardic (grave 704) and Eastern Germanic origin – the last-named of Danubian or Visigothic style (graves 167, 955) (fig. 7; 15). Analogous situations have been demonstrated by Françoise Vallet (Vallet 1993) in further cemeteries in Picardy, above all at Arcy-Sainte- 162 M. Kazanski · P. Périn · »Foreign« Objects in the Merovingian Cemeteries of Northern Gaul A B Fig. 14 Examples of grave goods including Thuringian and Alamannic items: A Villey-Saint-Etienne (Meurthe-et-Moselle). – B Chassemy (Aisne), grave 73. – (A after Böhme 1988, 66 fig. 9; B after Vallet 1993, 110 fig. 1). Restitue and Chassemy, where graves containing Eastern Germanic grave goods (fig. 5, 1-4) (Arcy-SainteRestitue: graves 127, 1094; Chassemy: grave 37 and 53) lie side-by-side with others containing Alamannic grave goods (fig. 14, B) (Arcy-Ste-Restitue: grave 2587; Chassemy: grave 73). While Breny and Arcy-SainteRestitue have large cemeteries where the foreigners are in a sense drowned out amidst an overwhelming local majority, this is not the case at the small site of Chassemy, with a large proportion of foreign outfits of the early Merovingian period, and of early graves rich in weapons, which may have belonged to a »small military settlement« (Vallet 1993, 119). In the cemetery of Nouvioin-en-Ponthieu, in the northern margin of Picardy, Daniel Piton (Piton 1985) brought to light not only early graves with »classic« grave goods, but also contemporaneous graves containing Eastern Germanic/Visigothic grave goods, without any doubt belonging to the »second generation« (fig. 11) (graves 140 and 303), as well as graves containing Thuringian (grave 273) or Anglo-Saxon (grave 143) ornaments. It is the same in Lower Normandy, where the cemetery of Saint-Martin-de-Fontenay (Calvados), excavated and published by Christian Pilet (Pilet 1994), yielded not only »classic« Merovingian female graves of the beginning of the period, but also some female graves whose grave goods and dress style link them to the Foreigners in Early Medieval Europe 163 Fig. 15 Danubian-Lombardic brooch from grave 704 at Breny (Aisne). – Photo courtesy of Musée d’Archéologie Nationale. – Scale = 1:1. culture of the Ostrogoths (fig. 10) (grave 270), the Visigoths and/or the Danubian Germans (fig. 5, 5-10; 6; 9, B) (graves 213, 359, 385, 388, 389, 502, 504 and 712) including some of the »second generation« (graves 300 and 741); there also were graves with Anglo-saxon grave goods (grave 90). This is not an exception in the plain of Caen where, in the cemetery of Frénouville, also excavated by C. Pilet (Pilet 1980), the Merovingian part of the site contained female graves with grave goods of Eastern Germanic/Visigothic (grave 529) and Anglo-Saxon (graves 86, 556, 590, 598, 623, 629) types. We will find a similar situation in the east of Gaul. For instance, the rare graves with goods from the second half of the 5th and the first third of the 6th century attest the presence of a certain number of women of Alemannic, Italo-Ostrogothic, Visigothic, Thuringian and Danubian origin in the kingdom of Burgundy, above all in the cemeteries of Brochon, Saint-Martin-de-Fresne and Charnay (Vallet / Kazanski 1995). We may observe the same phenomenon in the neighbouring region of the Alamans: a group of rich graves showing Danubian characteristics (Suebi?) was identified in the Swiss-Alamannic cemetery of Basel-Kleinhüningen (Martin 2002; Mastykova 2001). All the considered cemeteries provided not just female graves with »foreign« costumes as discussed above, but also graves that by their abundant and specific weaponry can be identified as those of chieftains. These can without any doubt be associated with military elites which had been brought in to control certain territories on behalf of the Frankish, Burgundian or Alamannic king. The mobility of these barbarian elites has to be emphasized, as testified by the adventures of Childeric I at the court of the Thuringian king, the reception of prince Vidimer Amal among the Visigoths or the presence of the prince of the Scandinavian Heruli, Rodulf, at the court of Theodoric in Italy. There are plenty of examples both in Merovingian Gaul, where diplomatic relations with the adjacent barbarian kingdoms were reinforced by marriages, particularly in the 6th century. Thus Clovis married his sister Audofleda to Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths, and his daughter Clotilde to Amalaric, who became king of the Visigoths after the king of the Franks had defeated and killed his father Alaric II at Vouillé. Thereafter, further unions took place with the royal families of the Visigoths: Sigibert married Brunehaut and Chilperic Galswinthe; as well as with the Ostrogoths: Childebert marrying the Ostrogothic princesses Ultrogothe; and the Lombards: Theodebert wed the Lombard princess Wisigarde, while Chlodesinde, granddaughter of Clovis, married Alboin, king of the Lombards; finally, among 164 M. Kazanski · P. Périn · »Foreign« Objects in the Merovingian Cemeteries of Northern Gaul many further examples, Bertha, daughter of Caribert, was married to the Anglo-Saxon king Aethelbert. As Gregory of Tours (Historia Francorum VI, 45) reports while discussing the engagement of Chilperic’s daughter Rigonte to the Visigoth king Reccared – which was disrupted by the assassination of the Frankish king – such alliances involved embassy exchanges, with some participants establishing themselves at the court where they had accompanied the foreign bride. It is hardly surprising that in Merovingian Gaul, as well as in other barbarian kingdoms, the material culture of the leading groups, as revealed by the archaeology of graves, seems to be relatively heterogeneous, even at the level of a single community. Thus the appearance of foreign groups at the birth of the Merovingian kingdom is not surprising. Indeed, it is a phenomenon well known from other barbarian kingdoms, e.g. Burgundy or Ostrogothic Italy, where the emerging royal power was in part based on military groups of foreign origin, which were unrelated to the local population. In this way their allegiance to the king would be assured. The idea of basing one’s authority on a cosmopolitan warrior elite is not exclusive to the time of the barbarian kingdoms or the very early Middle Ages, but recurred at a much later date in Eastern Europe. The written sources and the archaeological evidence show that from the late 9th until the third quarter of the 10th century a Russian dynasty of Scandinavian origin, becoming progressively Slavic through time, relied on an international warrior elite (Mocja 2000). This is shown by the great cemeteries of Kiev, Tchernigov, Gnezdovo near Smolensk, and Šestovica, which contained graves of warriors buried with Scandinavian grave goods, as well as with objects of Western Slavic, Moravian (for instance at Gnezdovo) or steppenomadic origin (especially Tercnaja Mogila at Tchernigov). The Russian chronicles also tell us that the Scandinavians were accompanied by Finnish, Baltic and of course Slavic individuals. The Slavs eventually became dominant in the last quarter of the 10th century, thanks to a coup d’état by Prince Vladimir. Here, as earlier in the barbarian kingdoms, this heterogeneity of the warrior elite, which is especially evident in the archaeology of graves, can be explained by the fact that the new kings of the emerging states preferred to surround themselves with warriors without links to the native environment and therefore linked personally to their sovereign. Returning to Merovingian Western Europe, it is also important to emphasise the possible gap between the barbarians’ original cultures as these had been in their regions of origin, and those which emerged after they settled in the territory of the Roman Empire. In the course of their migration, the different barbarian groups encountered an increasing accumulation of other barbarian groups with different cultures which naturally mingled with their own. During their migrating, the barbarians themselves also underwent important social transformations: from »traditional« peoples, whether nomadic or more sedentary, they were transformed into peoples of narrower interests, tending generally to gather into a kind of wandering army, whose activities were in essence limited to military feats and to extorting a living from the imperial, and later royal, government, or else from the local population. We can therefore conclude that in the Merovingian era, the various archaeological facies are typified essentially by funerary finds which at the same time present communal traits and specific ones that characterise the minorities of Germanic stock; these minorities had militarily and politically supported the various Romano-Germanic kingdoms of the West: the Franks as well as the Alamans, the Burgundians, the Ostrogoths, the Visigoths, the Vandals and the Anglo-Saxons. Within each of the kingdoms, which fluctuated in space and time, the archaeology of cemeteries thus allows us, notably through the women and their ethnic costume, to identify the presence not only of population groups, but also of individual outsiders, bearers of »foreign« artefacts. As for Merovingian Gaul, one cannot of course see there the traces of migrations – none of those anyway after the mid 5th century – as opposed to traces of individuals’ travels which reflect movement on a larger Foreigners in Early Medieval Europe 165 scale, be it due to political, military, social or economic contacts, and above all to the establishment of royal power in the 5th century and the first half of the 6th century. 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Foreigners in Early Medieval Europe 167 LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS Horst Wolfgang Böhme Sankt-Sebastian-Str. 1E 55128 Mainz Luis García Moreno Real Academia de la Historia C/del Léon 21 E - 28014 Madrid luis.garcia@uah.es Karen Høilund Nielsen Aarhus Universitet Afd. for Forhistorisk Arkæologi Moesgård DK - 8270 Høibjerg karen.hoilund.nielsen@gmail.com Antonel Jepure c/Doctor Fleming, 44-218 E - 28036 Madrid antonel_jepure@yahoo.de Christina Katsougiannopoulou Department of Art University of Toronto 100 St George Street CDN - Toronto, ON M5S3G3 bjoernewald@aol.com Michel Kazanski CNRS, Monde byzantin Collège de France 52, rue du Cardinal Lemoine F - 75231 Paris cedex 05 michel.Kazanski@wanadoo.fr Egge Knol Groninger Museum Postbus 90 NL - 9700 ME Groningen eknol@groningermuseum.nl Anna Lambropoulou Institute for Byzantine Research N.H.R.F. 48 Vassileos Constantinou Av. GR - 116 35 Athens anna_lampropoulou@yahoo.gr John Ljungkvist Institutionen för arkeologi och antik historia Box 626 S - 75126 Uppsala john.ljungkvist@arkeologi.uu.se Patrick Périn Musée d’Archéologie Nationale Château – Place Charles de Gaulle F - 78105 Saint-Germain-en-Laye cedex patrick.perin@culture.gouv.fr Dieter Quast Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Forschungsinstitut für Vor- und Frühgeschichte Ernst-Ludwig-Platz 2 55116 Mainz quast@rgzm.de Matej Ruttkay Archeologický ÚSTAV Slovenská Akadémia Vied Akademicka 2 SK - 94901 Nitra matej.ruttkay@savba.sk László Schilling Vízimolnár u. 10. H - 1031 Budapest laszlo.schilling@gmail.com Tivadar Vida Magyar Tudományos Akadémia Régészeti Intézeté Úri utca 49 H - 1014 Budapest vida@archeo.mta.hu List of Contributors 295 Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Forschungsinstitut für Vor- und Frühgeschichte RG Z M I order Dieter Quast (ed.) 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